CONSERVATIVES currently number 199 in the House of Commons. In order to win a majority of one at the next election, they have to win 324 – an increase of 125, or 63 per cent on the 2005 result.

If Tim Montgomerie is correct, and the Tories have a majority of 100, then they will have had to gain 175 seats, nearly 90 per cent  up on 2005. As if such a political earthquake wouldn’t be hard enough to achieve, remember that the Tories have, up until now, still failed to make the breakthrough they need in England’s northern cities. Scotland, which returns 59 MPs to the Commons, currently has one solitary Tory MP. Scottish Tories talk optimistically about increasing that representation by 100 per cent, although that might be a tad optimistic. 

In 1997, Labour won 418 seats – an increase of 75 per cent on its 1992 result. But the contrasts with today’s political situation are as important as the similarities. Tony Blair was a politician in an entirely new mould – Cameron is a politician in the mould of Tony Blair. Labour’s lead was consistently in double figures ever since Black Wednesday in September 1992, becoming even more solid when Tony took over. At no point were the Tories in contention. Since Cameron and Brown took over the leadership of their respective parties, there has been, at various times, a large Labour lead and a large Tory lead, as well as more modest leads by each party.

And while Cameron has done exactly what needed to be done by a leader in his position – detoxifying the Tory brand, improving the marketing push – this contrasts badly with the reforms Blair introduced in the mid-1990s: abolishing Clause 4, redrafting Labour’s tax plans, embracing the market. These were all radical measures and flew in the face of established Labour tradition. Cameron, apart from some superficial box-ticking on the environment, has not reinvented his party’s culture or policies, not because he has felt unable to, but because he sees no need to.

Added to this presumption that a Tory victory is inevitable (“And do we really have to consult the electorate? I mean, what do they know about politics?”), we have The Spectator Coffee House making the oddly simplistic and naive assumption that the length and depth of the recession will, on polling day, be directly proportional to the size of the Conservative majority.

This is dangerously complacent. I know this because, working as a press officer for the Labour Party in 1992, I made the same assumption: Britain would never re-elect a government that’s presiding over a recession. Would it…?