ALAN Johnson is an impressive politician.

He is articulate and principled, and he commands the respect of a huge number of Labour MPs. I was proud to be among his many supporters when he stood (unsuccessfully) for the deputy leadership of our party in 2007. He’s also proven himself to be not only one of the most effective Cabinet ministers we have, but also sure-footed and charming when dealing with the media. He also happens to be a really nice bloke.

But he’s wrong on electoral reform.

To be fair, he’s been wrong on this consistently for a number of years. His article in today’s Times is worth reading, nonetheless. I’ve written here only recently about the folly of using the expenses scandal as an excuse to lever in unrelated constitutional reforms. And a referendum on electoral reform, held on polling day at the next general election would be precisely the wrong time to ask voters for their judgment on the issue. The decision to implement such a fundamental change to our democracy has to be taken in the cold light of day, after serious and calm debate, not a matter of months after the start of the worst scandal ever to hit Westminster and at a time when voters’ opinion of politicians is at its lowest in recorded history.

As to the substantive issue, this is how I’d explain our current first-past-the-post system:

You vote for one candidate and the one with the highest number of votes wins.

This is how Alan explains his preferred system (AV+) in today’s article:

On polling day, a voter would have two ballot papers. The first would be for choosing the constituency MP: the voter marks his preferences (1, 2, 3 and so on) against the candidates. If one candidate gets more than half of the first preference votes cast, he or she is duly returned. If not, the candidate with the lowest tally is knocked out, and the second (and then third, etc) preferences are redistributed until finally one candidate reaches the magical 50 per cent mark.

On the second ballot paper, the voter simply marks which party she wants to give her vote to. All these votes are tallied up and those parties that exceed the threshold (say 5 per cent) get a proportionate number of seats. The majority of those sitting on the green benches, however, would be constituency MPs.

So, straightforward, eh?

All sorts of claims are made by the  supporters of proportional representation, along the lines of “it would push up voter turnout” and “it would increase representation among ethnic minorities”.

Not the experience of PR when it’s been tried in the UK already. Take the Scottish Parliament, elected on an “additional member” or “assisted places scheme” system. Turnout at both UK general elections held since devolution in 1999 have seen significantly higher turnours than those for the three Holyrood elections, with up to ten per cent higher voter participation in some constituencies. And in all three Holyrood elections, only one non-white candidate has ever been elected.

Similarly in elections to the European Parliament: turnout has been derisory. The more complicated you make it to vote, the fewer people will do so.

I admit that first-past-the-post is a rubbish system — but it’s still better than all the alternatives. 

Sorry, Alan.